October 10, 2006, the Nationwide Siege. Go west? They would certainly seize the Presidential Office. Go east? A bloody clash in Taiwan would be avoided. A critical moment, a critical decision.
The confession of Commander-in-Chief Shih Ming Te:
“The Red Shirts were full of creativity, and their way of doing things was unlike any mass movement before. The main reason was that leading figures from every field flocked to us, taking part publicly or offering counsel privately; that is how such a beautiful and noble Red Shirt epic came to be written. I received everyone’s full support, and I gave back selflessly to all the friends who took part. Only one matter I did not open for discussion at the time.
That was: should we storm the Presidential Office?
“I knew that if it were discussed, I would not necessarily be in the majority. If it were opened for discussion, even if the ‘peaceful line’ were upheld in principle, a ‘brink-of-violence’ approach or something like it might well have replaced the original conclusion. And such alternatives might in the end have eroded the ‘principle of peace.’ As the situation grew tenser and frustration rose day by day, some extremists began mocking me as ‘a tiger’s head and a snake’s tail,’ even shouting, ‘If Bian doesn’t fall, Shih should die!’ I remained unmoved. When particular figures came into the SUV behind the stage to urge me to ‘go in’ or ‘close in,’ I would explain my reasons for not attacking:
“First, I made a pact of peace and non-violence with a million people. I could not let my ambition flare up because our strength had grown and our fists were bigger. Seventy percent of the Red Shirts were women and young mothers; charging in would surely mean bloodshed! The Bank of Taiwan was right next door, and looting amid the chaos could spiral out of control.
“Second, Taiwan had not had a coup in sixty years. Our system of elected government was established. Charging in would be a coup. Pandora’s box must not be opened; once opened, Taiwan might have coups every so often from then on, like the Philippines, Thailand, Latin America, and the Third World countries of Africa. I have not only labored for the building of Taiwan’s democratic institutions but contributed greatly to it; I could not strangle this newborn democracy. A-Bian is not great enough to have a ‘newborn democracy’ buried with him.
“Third, if we stormed in and seized Bian and handed him to the High Court, the court would — under Article 52 of the Constitution, which exempts the president from criminal prosecution except for rebellion or treason — let him go. If he were not released, the only way would be to set up a ‘revolutionary tribunal’ or ‘special tribunal’ to try him — and that would be a coup! The Legislative Yuan, the Executive Yuan, even the Judicial Yuan would all be void. I would hold power, I would have my satisfaction — and what of the nation?
“Fourth, when two forces confront each other, the stronger side does not necessarily win. People may not have noticed that on October 8 that year, Chen Chih-chung and his wife and Chen Hsing-yu with her two sons — five members of the family in all — left for Japan. A-Bian had arranged to lure me, during the October 10 Nationwide Siege, into a city left empty, hoping I would storm in and fail to catch him. If Bian went into exile abroad, so much the better; but if he fought like a cornered beast, ran to central or southern Taiwan, and declared martial law, civil war would break out. More ruthless still, he could use the external force of a unilateral declaration of Taiwan independence to defuse his internal crisis — turning the fight against corruption into a struggle over unification and independence, and luring pro-independence supporters to follow him blindly. Washington, Beijing, and Tokyo would all be up in arms, and the peace and stability of the region would immediately be thrown into chaos! You may want your satisfaction, but I, as commander-in-chief, still had to answer to the people, to history, and to the peace and stability of the region!
Bian was not without countermeasures and stratagems from beginning to end; he was not sitting still waiting to be carved up by the Red Shirts. Perhaps he had been hoping all along that I would move to seize the Presidential Office. Chaos would actually have served Bian best. Besides, the Red Shirts were not a revolution; peaceful protest has lines it must not cross.
“Fifth, if there really were internal turmoil, would it give China an opening? At the critical moment, on the critical question, only the leader himself can decide!
“To this day, I have never regretted my decision then to give up ‘going into’ the Presidential Office. Even though over the past two or three years people have often reviled me as ‘a tiger’s head and a snake’s tail’ and ‘gutless,’ I have borne it in silence. But I have confidence. In the struggle against dictatorship and for freedom, I was imprisoned, and only after thirty years did Taiwanese society give me justice. Until last year I often said: wait ten, twenty, thirty years, see what lavish lives the Chen family’s descendants lead, and only then will the people of Taiwan know how much money Bian and Wu Shu-chen pocketed — and only then will they thank me!
Thanks be to Heaven, mindful of my advancing years and unwilling to make me wait another ten, on August 14 last year A-Bian finally bowed his head and admitted: ‘I did things the law does not permit!’
Just imagine: would it have been better to charge in then and give A-Bian the chance to turn the fight against corruption into a Blue–Green political struggle, into a war over unification and independence, leaving Taiwan bloodied and in turmoil while he slipped away like a cicada shedding its shell? Or is it better, as now, to see his family investigated and punished under the law?
You need not tell me. I told myself three years ago.”
Source: Shih Ming Te, The Commander’s Confessions, 2009, pp. 51–53.
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